The
brutal killing of Thangjam Manorama is illustrative of the brazen manner in
which the army functions under the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA). The
army reaction, that it sees a pattern to the protests which intensify when the
AFSPA comes up for renewal, merely reflects its mindset: It labels all
democratic protests, more so in the north-east, as
anti-national.
Even
draconian laws like TADA, POTA or the Defence of India Act come nowhere near
AFSPA, a one-page legislation with barely five sections. The only analogous law
is the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Ordinance, 1942, issued by the colonial
government to suppress the Quit India movement. POTA, for example, has about 64
sections and sets up a parallel structure to deal with 'terrorist activities'.
It has a definition of 'terrorist activities' and the legislation swings into
action only if the acts committed fall within it. AFSPA has no definitions of
offences and the absolute powers it confers are exercisable in an area declared
as 'disturbed'. The legislation tautologically defines 'disturbed' as an area
which requires the aid of the armed forces, without spelling out criteria. This
has led to states being declared 'distur-bed' for years — Nagaland for 46
years and Manipur for
24.
Adverse presumptions,
vague definitions, admissibility of confessions to police and virtual denial of
bail are among the objectionable features of POTA. However, it has provisions
laying down the procedure for forfeiture of the proceeds of terrorism and the
powers of investigating officers. Provisions for appeal against decisions taken
under the legislation also find a place. Except for modifications on period of
custody and bail, the other circumscriptions of the Criminal Procedure Code
(CrPC) also apply to cases under POTA.
In sharp contrast, AFSPA
gives the power to a commissioned, non-commissioned or warrant officer to fire
upon, or use force, to the extent of causing death 'if he is of the opinion that
it is necessary to do so for the maintenance of public order'. The power to
shoot-to-kill can be exercised for contravention of an order prohibiting the
assembly of more than five persons. Under ordinary law, contravention of an
order under Section 144 CrPC is a minor offence punishable with a month's
imprisonment. The power can also be exercised if a person is carrying objects
which could be construed as
weapons.
AFSPA does not
require a report on the circumstances under which the army officer formed his
opinion to 'shoot-to-kill'. There is no independent application of mind on
whether there was justification for the killing. Neither is there any provision
for an inquest into the death of the person. A magisterial inquiry under CrPC is
mandatory for deaths in police custody, including those arrested under POTA or
TADA.
The power under AFSPA
to shoot-to-kill goes far beyond the right to self-defence permissible under
Section 100 CrPC or the power to cause the death of a person resisting arrest
under Section 46 CrPC. The specific situations under which the police has powers
to enter, search and arrest without warrant are delineated in the CrPC. The
AFSPA confers powers to enter, search, arrest and destroy without warrant and on
mere suspicion.
The army
detains people for weeks, interrogating them by using questionable means, as is
detailed in official interrogation reports. The last provision of the
controversial law grants impunity to the armed forces as no prosecution can be
instituted without the prior sanction of the Union government. The Centre does
not grant sanction even in clear cases of rape and
murder.
The chain-of-command
psychology, integral to the functioning of the army, renders it incapable of
taking orders from 'mere civilians'. Niceties such as warning, using as little
force as necessary, first firing in the air, then shooting below the waist,
which are to be observed by the police in dealing with citizens, have no place
when nations wage wars. The ability to use maximum force to cause the utmost
damage and destroy the enemy on first strike is the sine qua non of a
battle-ready army.
The
recent outrage against the AFSPA is not new. The army's total disregard for
civil authority is corroborated by various reports of commissions of inquiry.
The inquiry into the firing and mortar shelling of Kohima by 16 Rashtriya Rifles
on March 5, 1995, which killed seven civilians and injured several, found that
the RR personnel thereafter resorted to "indiscriminate, unnecessary and
uncontrolled firing and mortar shelling under the imaginary apprehension that
insurgents had opened fire at them; that they had killed innocent civilians in a
most cold-blooded
manner".
Similarly, the
commission of inquiry into the Mokhukchung, Nagaland, arson and firing on
December 27, 1994, substantiated the complaints of rape of women by the 16
Maratha Light Infantry as well as the deliberate act of setting fire to the
houses and shops by jawans of the unit. The memorandum submitted by the council
of ministers of Manipur after the Oinam incident in 1987 to the home minister
details the excesses committed by Assam Rifles, including the illegal
confinement and humiliation of the deputy commissioner and
SP.
In sum, AFSPA supplants
rather than supplements civil authority. It is un- constitutional and
impermissible in a democratic
polity.
(The
author is a Supreme Court advocate.)